Archive Page 2

Baboon Addresses United Nations

As the humans continue to evolve, they are increasingly recognizing the rights of creatures other than themselves.

Thus, a New York judge recently granted a writ of habeas corpus to two chimpanzees seeking to free themselves from medical experiments at some torture facility on Long Island.

Similarly, and also in New York, the United Nations this week bobopermitted a baboon to address those delegates assembled.

The baboon displayed many aggressive behaviors—screeching, yawning, showing his teeth—but was prevented by main force from grabbing and biting the female delegates, as baboons are wont to do.

The baboon identified himself as Mongo, Supreme Leader of the United States, and the general consensus was that the animal is rabid. In his address, the baboon shrieked that he would “totally destroy” a nation of 25 million people, North Korea, and also threatened to go ape in the nations of Cuba, Venezuela, and Iran. He ceaselessly thumped his chest about his “biglys,” and keened endlessly about “nationalism,” “sovereignty,” and other concepts embraced only by those with shoe-sized IQs. He quoted from some baboon book about how “if the righteous many do not confront the wicked few, then evil will triumph.” He screamed that all the mud people must stay away from the shores of his baboonery, so as not to soil the whiteness of his United States.

At one point the baboon said: “The government masks a corrupt dictatorship behind the false guise of a democracy. It has turned a wealthy country with a rich history and culture into an economically depleted rogue state whose chief exports are violence, bloodshed and chaos. The longest-suffering victims of its leaders are, in fact, its own people.”

Goodness, those assembled murmured. He’s talking about himself, and his own country.

Then all those assembled commenced singing “Whiskey River Take My Mind” at top volume, so they would not have to hear any more badness. The baboon continued to screech, into the helpless void.

Advertisements

Understanding Mongo: Not An Outlier, But A Culmination, A Logical Conclusion

Early last November, just before Election Day, Barack Obama was driven through the crisp late-night gloom of the outskirts of Charlotte, as he barnstormed North Carolina on behalf of Hillary Clinton. He was in no measure serene or confident. The polls, the “analytics,” remained in Clinton’s favor, yet Obama, with the unique vantage point of being the first African-American President, had watched as, night after night, immense crowds cheered and hooted for a demagogue who had launched a business career with blacks-need-not-apply housing developments in Queens and a political career with a racist conspiracy theory known as birtherism. During his speech in Charlotte that night, Obama warned that no one really changes in the Presidency; rather, the office “magnifies” who you already are. So if you “accept the support of Klan sympathizers p05c8bf4before you’re President, or you’re kind of slow in disowning it, saying, ‘Well, I don’t know,’ then that’s how you’ll be as President.”

Donald Trump’s ascent was hardly the first sign that Americans had not uniformly regarded Obama’s election as an inspiring chapter in the country’s fitful progress toward equality. Newt Gingrich, the former Speaker of the House, had branded him the “food-stamp President.” In the right-wing and white-nationalist media, Obama was, variously, a socialist, a Muslim, the Antichrist, a “liberal fascist,” who was assembling his own Hitler Youth. A high-speed train from Las Vegas to Anaheim that was part of the economic-stimulus package was a secret effort to connect the brothels of Nevada to the innocents at Disneyland. He was, by nature, suspect. “You just look at the body language, and there’s something going on,” Trump said, last summer. In the meantime, beginning on the day of Obama’s first inaugural, the Secret Service fielded an unprecedented number of threats against the President’s person.

And so, speeding toward yet another airport last November, Obama seemed like a weary man who harbored a burning seed of apprehension. “We’ve seen this coming,” he said. “Donald Trump is not an outlier; he is a culmination, a logical conclusion of the rhetoric and tactics of the Republican Party for the past ten, fifteen, twenty years. What surprised me was the degree to which those tactics and rhetoric completely jumped the rails.”

For half a century, in fact, the leaders of the G.O.P. have fanned the lingering embers of racial resentment in the United States. Through shrewd political calculation and rhetoric, from Richard Nixon’s “Southern strategy” to the latest charges of voter fraud in majority-African-American districts, doing so l_kkk-169has paid off at the ballot box. “There were no governing principles,” Obama said. “There was no one to say, ‘No, this is going too far, this isn’t what we stand for.’ ”

Abandoning the customary dog whistle of previous Republican culture warriors, President Trump made plain his indulgent sympathy for neo-Nazis, Klan members, and unaffiliated white supremacists, who marched with torches, assault rifles, clubs, and racist and anti-Semitic slogans through the streets of Charlottesville, Virginia. One participant even adopted an isis terror tactic, driving straight into a crowd of people peaceably demonstrating against the racists. Trump had declared an “America First” culture war in his Inaugural Address, and now—as his poll numbers dropped, as he lost again and again in the courts and in Congress, as the Mueller investigation delved into his miserable business history, as more and more aides leaked their dismay—he had cast his lot with the basest of his base. There were some “very fine people” among the white nationalists, he said, and their “culture” should not be threatened.

Who could have predicted it? Anyone, really. Two years ago, the Daily Stormer, the foremost neo-Nazi news site in the country, called on white men to “vote for the first time in our lives for the one man who actually represents our interests.” Trump never spurned this current of his support. He invited it, exploited it.

When Trump was elected, there were those who considered his history and insisted that this was a kind of national emergency, and that to normalize this Presidency was a dangerous illusion. At the same time, there were those who, in the spirit of patience and national comity, held that Trump was “our President,” and that “he must be given a chance.” Has he had enough of a chance yet? After his press conference in the lobby of Trump Tower, when he ignored the scripted attempts to regulate his impulses and revealed his true allegiances, there can be no doubt about who he is. This is the inescapable fact: on November 9th, the United States elected a dishonest, inept, unbalanced, and immoral human being as its President and Commander-in-Chief. Trump has daily proven unyielding to appeals of decency, unity, moderation, or fact. He is willing to imperil the civil peace and the social fabric of his country simply to satisfy his narcissism and to excite the worst inclinations of his core followers.

David Remnick

Understanding Mongo: He Simply Has To Bring Up Race To Get His Supporters Fired Up For Him

All it takes to reduce support for housing assistance among Donald Trump supporters is exposure to an image of a black man.

That’s the takeaway from a new study by researchers Matthew Luttig, Christopher Federico, and Howard Lavine, set to be published in Research & Politics. In a randomized survey experiment, the trio of researchers exposed respondents to images of either a white or black man. They found that when exposed to the image of a black man, white Trump supporters CUwWsIzVEAAMv1Jwere less likely to back a federal mortgage aid program. Favorability toward Trump was a key measure for how strong this effect was.

The study is just the latest to show that racial attitudes are a powerful predictor for support for Trump. Previous studies have found that racial resentment was a much stronger indicator of support for Trump than views about the economy. And other research has shown that priming people to think about race can make them more conservative on a host of issues.

This latest study is notable, though, because all it uses is an image of a black man to produce its results. That suggests that Trump has a powerful incentive to get people to keep thinking about race: If his most ardent supporters just need a slight racial cue to come around to his conservative policy views, then Trump simply has to bring up race to get his supporters fired up for him.

German Lopez

Trump voters are very complex. They are conservatives who believe big government is getting out of hand. They want lower taxes for the middle class. They believe in comprehensive immigration reform. They want an economic policy that reflects the average . . .  

Nah, I’m just bullshitting. They just don’t like black people.

According to Vox, they could be triggered by a photograph of a black person. Although I don’t like the word “snowflake,” when a Trump voter sees a black person, they could change all their political values. Now, I’m not saying they are racist, but . . .  

OK, I’m saying they are racist.

More specifically, a new study (pdf) by political scientists at Colgate and the University of Minnesota proves they have racist tendencies. That’s not just a popular opinion; it is a statistical fact.

furthur=>

Truth

Straw Man

I’m not a betting man, but if there were an enterprising oddsmaker or bookie taking bets on who’d be the first black athlete to castigate Jemele Hill, I probably would have put a couple of dollars strawberrydown on Charles Barkley or Ray Lewis. I might have parlayed it with Jason Whitlock, who played college football at Ball State and is one of the favorites to win gold for the 2020 Olympic shucking-and-jiving team.

But I would have lost all my money because less than 24 hours after the Trump White House called for ESPN host Jemele Hill to be fired for her Twitter rant truth-telling about Donald Trump’s white supremacist tendencies, former baseball star Darryl Strawberry burst out of the gate, rushing to castigate Hill for her comments while simultaneously praising the Dollar Store Stalin for . . . umm . . . I guess being white.

When Varney & Co. host Stuart Varney asked the four-time World Series champion whether Hill should have been fired, Strawberry responded:

I think no one should call anyone anything. President Trump, he’s a great man to me. He was always gracious to me. I really love him, his family, I was on his show, and he’s always been kind to me. I’ve known him quite well and every time I’ve seen him and been around him he’s always been so gracious with me and I’m always grateful for that.

Strawberry appeared on Donald Trump’s Apprentice in 2010, which apparently means the world to Strawberry, because he loves Trump. He thinks Trump is a “great man” because Trump was “gracious” to him.

Darryl Strawberry sounds like the slave who wouldn’t let anyone say a bad word about the plantation owner because the master never beat him: “Don’t call him no bad names! Massa Trump been good to me! Who else is gon’ pick this cotton?”

Strawberry selectively ignores the fact that the only reason he is on Fox Business Channel is that he is a recovering addict who overcame addiction, something for which the Trump administration would have locked him up in jail instead of offering him treatment. When Strawberry says, “No one should call anyone anything,” he apparently believes that Hill’s calling Trump a “white supremacist” is worse than Trump’s history of name-calling, including calling:

  • Mika Brzezinski “dumb as a rock”
  • Rosie O’Donnell a “pig”
  • President Barack Obama an “insane” Muslim born in Kenya
  • Mexicans “rapists”
  • black people folks with “no education,” “criminals” and “a catastrophe”

Or maybe I’m wrong. Maybe there is a simpler explanation for why Strawberry rushed to throw Hill under a slow-moving bus for nothing more than the pleasant smile of a billionaire racist who wouldn’t give a damn about Strawberry if his asshole were stuffed with hundred-dollar bills and extra-crispy thighs from Kentucky Fried Chicken.

Maybe Darryl Strawberry still smokes crack.

Michael Harriot

Understanding Mongo: The Church Of White Supremacy’s Most Active Member

Eighty-one percent of evangelicals voted for Trump in 2016 and have arguably become his most ardent supporters. They have one of their own in the Oval Office, but not in the way you’d think.

See, Trump doesn’t give a damn about the Bible or Jesus. He’s pimping the gospel, just as he pimped racially 13487PST140101p19a_822insecure “working class” white men and women into voting for him in exchange for an America that doesn’t threaten their whiteness.

Closing the borders and embracing isolationism means more economic prosperity for Americans (read: white people) struggling with economic anxiety, in Trump’s logic. Evoking images of “bad hombres” and “black-on-black crime” in Chicago also inflamed white people’s fears and, ultimately, secured their votes.

Indeed, racism and God are the perfect cocktail for political assent. Trump realized early on that white evangelicals generally share a lot of his sexist, anti-Muslim and anti-black views. Historically, Christianity has often been used to exact violence against anything and anyone that challenges white supremacy.

In this respect, not only is Trump a practicing Christian, but he is arguably the church of white supremacy’s most active member. One of his first tithes came in 1989 when he spent $85,000 on front-page ads in major New York City newspapers blasting five black and Latino boys as “muggers and murderers” after they were accused of raping a white woman in Central Park. (The city of New York eventually paid the men a settlement of $40 million after they were exonerated.) 

In a follow-up interview with Larry King that same year, Trump said America needed to “bring back the police,” a clear nod to white people nationwide that he understood how law enforcement symbolizes the guardianship of whiteness. In 2017 he amplified this symbolism when he encouraged police brutality on national television.

Trump’s white evangelicals ignore this because they believe it maintains the white homogeneous America that Trump integrationprotest1960.jpgvows to maintain and that God intended.

There is another quality that Trump shares with many white evangelicals: that of the dictatorial know-it-all who professes to return America to the place where whiteness can rule with abandon.

We saw white, mainstream Christianity in action after Charlottesville, Va. After sympathizing with Nazis after a white nationalist was charged with running over a woman and killing her during the protests, Trump’s spiritual adviser Paula White insisted that Trump “100 percent is a Christian” and “not a racist.” Megachurch pastor Robert Jeffress dismissed accusations of Trump being racist after his “both sides” comments, saying, “If we’re going to denounce some racism, we ought to denounce all racism, and I believe that was the point the president was making.”

What is most important for the white evangelical who fears that his existence is losing value, white Christian supremacy elected Donald J. Trump. Their God on earth.

Terrell Jermaine Starr

Understanding Mongo: His Ideology Is White Supremacy

His political career began in advocacy of birtherism, that modern recasting of the old American precept that black people are not fit to be citizens of the country they built. But long before birtherism, Trump had made his worldview clear. He fought to keep blacks out of his buildings, according to the U.S. government; called for the death penalty for the eventually exonerated Central Park Five; and railed against “lazy” black employees. “Black guys counting my money! I hate it,” Trump was once quoted as saying. “The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys that wear yarmulkes every day.” After his cabal of conspiracy theorists forced Barack Obama to present his birth certificate, Trump demanded the president’s college grades (offering $5 million in exchange for them), AIE76dpinsisting that Obama was not intelligent enough to have gone to an Ivy League school, and that his acclaimed memoir, Dreams From My Father, had been ghostwritten by a white man, Bill Ayers.

It is often said that Trump has no real ideology, which is not true—his ideology is white supremacy, in all its truculent and sanctimonious power. Trump inaugurated his campaign by casting himself as the defender of white maidenhood against Mexican “rapists,” only to be later alleged by multiple accusers, and by his own proud words, to be a sexual violator himself. White supremacy has always had a perverse sexual tint. Trump’s rise was shepherded by Steve Bannon, a man who mocks his white male critics as “cucks.” The word, derived from cuckold, is specifically meant to debase by fear and fantasy—the target is so weak that he would submit to the humiliation of having his white wife lie with black men. That the slur cuck casts white men as victims aligns with the dicta of whiteness, which seek to alchemize one’s profligate sins into virtue. So it was with Virginia slaveholders claiming that Britain sought to make slaves of them. So it was with marauding Klansmen organized against alleged rapes and other outrages. So it was with a candidate who called for a foreign power to hack his opponent’s email and who now, as president, is claiming to be the victim of “the single greatest witch hunt of a politician in American history.”

In Trump, white supremacists see one of their own. Only grudgingly did Trump denounce the Ku Klux Klan and David Duke, one of its former grand wizards—and after the clashes between white supremacists and counterprotesters in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August, Duke in turn praised Trump’s contentious claim that “both sides” were responsible for the violence.

To Trump, whiteness is neither notional nor symbolic but is the very core of his power. In this, Trump is not singular. But whereas his forebears carried whiteness like an ancestral talisman, Trump cracked the glowing amulet open, releasing its eldritch energies. The repercussions are striking: Trump is the first president to have served in no public capacity before ascending to his perch. But more telling, Trump is also the first president to have publicly affirmed that his daughterIvanka is a “piece of ass.” The mind seizes trying to imagine a black man extolling the virtues of sexual assault on tape (“When you’re a star, they let you do it”), fending off multiple accusations of such assaults, immersed in multiple lawsuits for allegedly fraudulent business dealings, exhorting his followers to violence, and then strolling into the White House. But that is the point of white supremacy—to ensure that that which all others achieve with maximal effort, white people (particularly white men) achieve with minimal qualification. Barack Obama delivered to black people the hoary message that if they work twice as hard as white people, anything is possible. But Trump’s counter is persuasive: Work half as hard as black people, and even more is possible.

For Trump, it almost seems that the fact of Obama, the fact of a black president, insulted him personally. The insult intensified when Obama and Seth Meyers publicly humiliated him at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in 2011. But the bloody heirloom ensures the last laugh. Replacing Obama is not enough—Trump has made the negation of Obama’s legacy the foundation of his own. And this too is whiteness. “Race is an idea, not a fact,” the historian Nell Irvin Painter has written, and essential to the construct of a “white race” is the idea of not being a nigger. Before Barack Obama, niggers could be manufactured out of Sister Souljahs, Willie Hortons, and Dusky Sallys. But Donald Trump arrived in the wake of something more potent—an entire nigger presidency with nigger health care, nigger climate accords, and nigger justice reform, all of which could be targeted for destruction or redemption, thus reifying the idea of being white. Trump truly is something new—the first president whose entire political existence hinges on the fact of a black president. And so it will not suffice to say that Trump is a white man like all the others who rose to become president. He must be called by his rightful honorific—America’s first white president.

furthur=>


When I Worked

September 2017
M T W T F S S
« Aug    
 123
45678910
11121314151617
18192021222324
252627282930